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Political Report to the 1st National People’s Assembly, University of Free State, Mangaung, Free State Province – Julius Malema

Julius MalemaDelivered by CIC Julius Malema

1. Welcome to the 1st National People’s Assembly of Economic Freedom Fighters, a National Economic Emancipation Movement in South Africa, whose aim is economic liberation and freedom for the people of South Africa, Africa and the world. The National People’s Assembly is a gathering of elected delegates from branches of the EFF from across South Africa, and the highest decision making body.

2. It is a People’s Assembly because its deliberations and resolutions reflect the genuine will of the people. It is a People’s Assembly because unlike all other political parties, its mandate and mission is total liberation of the people, and not a platform to please capitalist and imperialist forces that stand opposed to the struggle for socialist transformation of our society.

3. We gather here in Mangaung, Free State Province symbolically because this is the centre of South Africa, a country which has for many decades suffered economic deprivation and dispossession of the majority by the white minority. Mangaung and the Free State are home of the EFF, and this historic moment will demonstrate that indeed this is the home of the Economic Freedom Fighters.

People’s Power for Economic Freedom

4. The 1st National People’s Assembly of the EFF gather under the theme ‘PEOPLE’S POWER FOR ECONOMIC FREEDOM’, symbolising the very fact that when properly galvanised and told the truth, the people are the ones who will liberate themselves. We will now unpack the theme of this august occasion. What do we mean by the people because not every one is included in our definition of the people,others are just human beings and not the people we are fighting for.

a. When we speak about the people, we speak about the dejected and neglected masses of our people.

b. When we speak about the people, we speak about the unemployed youth and adults who are forever looking for jobs and cannot find them.

c. When we speak of the people, we speak about the informal settlement dwellers, who live like pigs in congested squatter camps with no clean water, no electricity, no houses and no sanitation.

d. When we speak of the people, we speak of the security guards, the cleaners the petrol attendants, whose salaries can only take them to work and buy one meal per day and cannot afford anything outside such,

e. When we speak of the people, we speak about the Mineworkers, who risk their lives in the belly of the earth digging diamonds, gold, platinum and many other precious and industrial minerals and metals, yet have no food.

f. When we speak of the people, we speak about farmworkers, who are harassed by farm owners.

g. When we speak of the People, we speak of Construction workers, who risk their lives every day climbing scaffolds, and working many shifts yet are paid through an envelope with no contract and commitments for better tomorrow.

h. When we speak of the people, we speak of black professionals, who despite their qualifications are still subjected to racism in the workplaces, and made to report to less qualified white bosses.

i. When we speak of the people we speak of Civil Servants who despite their dedication to take the country to a better future, are always threatened by politicians and forced to commit corruption in order to save their jobs.

WHAT IS POWER?

5. Power is the ability to change conditions, and everywhere in the world, a guided majority have power,

a. The economy is a source of power

b. Control of the state is the source of power

c. Control of the cohesive forces is the source of power.

d. Power is the people who are committed and loyal to a political programme,

6. The Economy we are taking about is the economy of South Africa, which if controlled and largely owned by the people, can put bread and salt on the table of each and every South African,

a. The economy is the land,

b. The economy is the Mines and all the Mineral resources,

c. The economy is the food,

d. The economy is the banks,

e. The economy is the many retail stores which import cheap products from other parts of the world.

f. The economy is the technology and science that is greatly advancing to change how the world relate,

g. The economy is the pharmaceutical sector which manufactures both medication and diseases in order to make more profits,

h. The economy is the infrastructure that is needed for human and good movements, communication and other necessary services.

7. For a very long time, Fighters have been celebrating Freedom Fighters who did everything in their power to fight for and realise political freedom—the right to vote and be voted into political office.

8. Yet we have never had a movement that fights that the economy should benefit all.

9. It is only the Economic Freedom Fighters which has a programme, determination and the will to fight for economic emancipation.

WHERE DO WE COME FROM?

10. It is always important at all times particularly on occasions like this one,to remind ourself about where we come from. While we can spend the whole day summarising our individual and collective involvement in the struggles for the emancipation of South Africa, we would love to take this moment and give the context of where we come from as a movement of the people.

11. We carry the obligation to tell our own history because every day, reactionary elements try to give a characterisation of the EFF and they always fail to do so.

12. Fighters, on the 11th of June 2013, we made a clarion call to all Economic Freedom Fighters that the struggle for economic freedom will never and must not be abandoned and asked a question on WHAT IS TO BE DONE?

13. We asked this question because the former liberation movement, whose ideological, political, moral and historical mandate and obligation was to totally emancipate South Africans from crisis levels of starvation, unemployment, poverty, inequalities, hopelessness, and potential social instability is not doing so. The ruling party is hard at work suppressing and strangling all progressive voices that seek to transform the South African economy.

14. To illustrate the fact that we use sober and scientific tools of analysis, we made 15 observations on the 15th of June 2013, and all those who pay attention to details, will know that everything we said is correct and will be true for a very long time:

15. We said the following on the 15 of June 2013:

a. “The (National Liberation Movement) will never be a sustainable solution to South Africa’s developmental problems in the foreseeable future, due to its ideological zigzags, and open dominance of neoliberal and right wing politics. This will give rise to and attach some sense of political legitimacy to political parties whose agenda and political programme is to continue with white supremacy and imperialist domination of South Africa”. THIS IS TRUE!

b. “The integrity and credibility of the ruling party will gradually decline because it will not address the many massive developmental challenges confronting society in the current conjecture. Poverty, unemployment and inequalities will worsen under leadership of the ruling party. This is because the ruling party does not welcome radical policy shifts, and is instead obsessed with protecting the interests of white monopoly capital”. THIS IS TRUE!

c. “Opposition political parties to the ruling party oppose it on superficial issues, because all the major political formations in parliament carry the same neoliberal, capitalist and free-market programme as the Ruling party. There is currently no real ideological and political opposition to the neo-liberal policy framework of the ruling party, recently proven by all political parties’ adoption of the National Development Plan”. THIS IS TRUE!

d. “The Former Communist Party (which could have been a Left alternative) has been swallowed into reform politics of patronage and will never regain integrity to pursue real working class struggles anytime soon. The Communist Party leadership has been swallowed by the State, and currently at the forefront of justifying the rapacious and ruthless theft of public funds by the incumbent President of the Republic”. THIS IS TRUE!

e. “ The former revolutionary union federation (which is supposed to defend workers’ interests) will soon be swallowed into same politics of reforms, and all those who push for a radical agenda will be isolated, banished and portrayed as anti former liberation movement . The dominant faction of the ruling party and community in the former revolutionary trade union federation will rid it of progressive leaders. Despite massive and clear ideological differences, this federation will once again encourage workers to vote for the ruling party,despite its directionlessness”. THIS IS TRUE!

f. “Independent Trade Unions, like AMCU, will continue to emerge and grow bigger because the former trade unions federation will gradually fail to represent workers. These independent Trade Unions are also not a political alternative, because they will only deal with workers interests and will make workers believe that their problems are workplace issues only”. THIS IS TRUE!

g. Majority of the people in the informal settlements, townships, villages and other poor communities will disengage from mainstream politics and not vote in successive elections. This will be so if as Fighters for economic emancipation, we do not offer a real ideological and political alternative to the status quo.

h. The Youth League of the ruling party has been turned into a lap dog and sent around to repeat what the leadership says and puppet Youth League leaders will be rewarded with cabinet posts and other pecks to sustain their puppet status.

i. Victimization of those who are suspected of being part of the political alternatives in the ruling party will increase with threats of arrests and possible manipulation of the justice system. We have many Economic Freedom Fighters in the ruling party particularly on the ground, and unfortunately at all levels of its leadership, who will not publicly associate with our Movement, because they are scared of losing their jobs and income.

j. The middle class will further drift away from the ruling party and now beef up the right wing political parties, which might increase their numbers in the next general elections.

k. Service delivery protests will intensify and workplace stoppages in the Mines and Farms will also continue in higher volumes than before, thus worsening the economic crisis South Africa is undergoing. Mineworkers will become more militant and will fight struggles for their economic survival and as Fighters, we should be on their side.

l. Social movements and issue-based organisations will remain on the margins of mainstream politics and only mobilize on sector based issues which will not relate to mainstream electoral and power politics.

m. Any form of generalized uprising will be harshly suppressed by the State machinery and will never escalate to a level where a sitting government can be toppled. This should however remain a possibility of radically transforming and capturing political power in South Africa, with the aim of restructuring the economy.

n. The youth will become more disgruntled under the leadership of the ruling party and like in previous elections; the youth will be fed with so many empty promises on education, and jobs which will never be created because there is no radical, convincing plan on how such will be done.

o. South Africa will be turned into a Kleptocracy, with government leaders openly looting State resources and pursuing self-enrichment, and classifying reports and processes that seek to expose such ruthless behaviour. Those around the current state President will get richer and more corrupt because they will know that like him, they are immune from prosecution.

16. That we have been able to forecast and 100% know what was going to happen is reason enough to appreciate that our tools of analysis are guiding us towards a correct direction.

17. These observations, Fighters, have made us as revolutionaries to ask the groundbreaking question of WHAT IS TO BE DONE? Under this question, we have asked basically three questions:

a. Whether Economic Freedom Fighters should remain inside of the ruling party advocating for radical change with the hope that one day the ruling party will in the immediate future self-correct, accept this as the only practical way to save society from starvation and declining living conditions of our people?
b. Whether we should constitute an independent political movement not aligned to an electoral political party to advocate for economic freedom in our lifetime, but not contest elections?
c. Whether we should start an independent political party which will contest the general elections with a manifesto that decidedly speaks to demands for economic freedom in our lifetime?
18. These three questions were responded to by thousands of Activists from across the country and through various channels. All these ended up in the NATIONAL ASSEMBLY ON WHAT IS TO BE DONE, which happened in Soweto on the 26th and 27th of July 2013.

19. In what we should now call the SOWETO DECLARATION, the National Assembly on What is to be Done said,

“After careful thought and thorough process of consultation with the masses of our people, we came and resolved that South Africa’s people wishes and aspiration must be respected by launching an organisation which shall fight, strive and advance these aspirations unapologetically!

EFF, as a people’s movement, shall in its content, character and outlook, be a true a ‘weapon of struggle in the hands of the people and a collective effort to solve people’s own problems’.

The National Assembly recognises that South Africa is at a cross-road for all wrong reasons. The hard won victories over colonial, racist and apartheid system have been meaningless although necessary due to lack of economic emancipation of the majority, and African majority. As a consequence thereof, the South Africans, through their delegates spoke overwhelmingly, that, they, the people, need a new alternative, a radical, militant, fearless movement to serve their interest.

Our immediate programme include registration of Economic Freedom Fighters as a political party that will contest the 2014 elections, mobilisation and recruitment of members, establishment of all Regional, Branch and Cell structures and formations of the Movement. Our immediate political programme include building a strong movement of Community based, workers, youth, students, women, and sectoral formations and organisations that will proclaim economic freedom as their political programme”

WHAT DO WE STAND FOR? THE 7 CARDINAL PILLARS AS OUR PRIMARY POLITICAL PROGRAMME:

20. Fellow fighters, our primary political programme is the EFF Founding Manifesto, which was adopted as the official political programme in Soweto in the National Assembly on What is to be done.

21. The analysis, diagnosis and solutions provided for in the Founding Manifesto are correct and will stand the test of time. Generations of Economic Freedom Fighters to come will look upon the EFF Founding Manifesto in a similar way Communists and Socialists look upon the Communist Manifesto.

22. The Founding Manifesto of the EFF is our primary political programme, and the 7 cardinal pillars are the main non-negotiable pillars which will hold this organisation together forever.

23. The EFF Founding Manifesto begins with a caption from Frantz Fanon which says, ““Each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfil it, or betray it”- The EFF represents a generation which has discovered its mission and we vow that we will never betray our mission.

24. The EFF 7 Cardinal Pillars constitute the core of our political programme, and we will never retreat from these pillars. Substitution of any of these pillars has potential to undermine the cohesion of the EFF. The question we should be asking is what do these 7 pillars mean in practical terms? Maybe we should start from the beginning:

a. Expropriation of South Africa’s land without compensation for equal redistribution in use: What this means is that fact that since 1994, the current government has spent more than R50 billion to buy back stolen land from colonial settlers who are not willing to redistribute the land. We speak today, 15% of our people reside in informal settlements, with no land and no hope because government is negotiating with unwilling land thieves who inherited stolen land and claim it as their own.

b. Nationalisation of mines, banks, and other strategic sectors of the economy, without compensation: South Africa is home to more than 50 industrial and precious minerals and metals, and these minerals are not contributing to the economic expansion of South Africa. Mineworkers are treated like slaves, and even get killed by the ANC government when they demand better salaries. We need to nationalize the Mines in order to locally beneficiate and industrialise our mineral resources. The law (MPRDA) says that the State should be informed of all minerals leaving the country and such is not happening.

c. Building state and government capacity, which will lead to the abolishment of tenders: What we currently have in South Africa is a corrupt State incapable of performing its own functions. The State cannot build roads, it cannot build power stations, it cannot build railways, it cannot build schools, it cannot build hospitals, and it cannot even buy stationery for offices. All these tasks are given to corrupt private companies who bribe state officials and politicians for them to get tenders. We need a state that can perform and deliver its own services.

d. Free quality education, healthcare, houses, and sanitation: Education in South Africa remains a privilege of the few, and an absolute majority of our children cannot gain access particularly to post-secondary teaching and education. The current Minister of Higher Education does not even know how many students should be admitted to institutions of Higher Learning in the year 2015, but goes to parliament to ask for millions of Rands to finance Higher Education. We need free quality health care with capacity to service all South Africans. Proper and spacious houses with sanitation like the one we have build for the Hlongwane family in Nkandla should be provided for free to all needy South Africans.

e. Massive protected industrial development to create millions of sustainable jobs, including the introduction of minimum wages in order to close the wage gap between the rich and the poor, close the apartheid wage gap and promote rapid career paths for Africans in the workplace: Majority of consumer goods and services which we consume and buy from the retail stores here in South Africa are not made in South Africa. The plastic products, the electronics such as phones, televisions, sound systems, the fridges and many other products are made in other parts of the world. What this means is that we as South Africa are creating jobs for other people in other parts of the world by consuming imported goods and services that are not made in South Africa. Instead of passing legislation that compels all the retail stores to buy locally produced goods and services, the current government is trying to convince ordinary citizens to Buy South African. How are people going to buy South African when there are very few goods and services produced in South Africa.

f. Massive development of the African economy and advocating for a move from reconciliation to justice in the entire continent: The economic development of South Africa is interdependent on the development of the entire African economy, where African states trade amongst each other and make sure that we all have real economic activities. The development of South Africa should be linked to the development of Zimbabwe, Swaziland, Lesotho, Botswana, Malawi, DRC, Nigeria and all the countries in the African continent.

g. Open, accountable, corrupt-free government and society without fear of victimization by state agencies: We have seen over the recent past that the current government is committed to protection of corruption by State officials and politicians. Corruption of this government starts with the head of state, who steals public money and uses all institutions including Parliament to protect himself from accountability.

25. It is only the EFF that can change these conditions by being true to itself and doing everything in its power to achieve the 7 cardinal pillars.

WHAT IS THE CHARACTER OF THE EFF?

26. Let us remind all those who care to pay attention that the EFF is a socialist movement which is correctly defined in the Founding Manifesto. The EFF Founding Manifesto says,

a. The EFF is a radical, leftist, anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist movement with an internationalist outlook anchored by popular grassroots formations and struggles. The EFF will be the vanguard of community and workers’ struggles and will always be on the side of the people. The EFF will, with determination and consistency, associate with the protest movement in South Africa and will also join in struggles that defy unjust laws.

b. The EFF takes lessons from the notation that “political power without economic emancipation is meaningless”. The movement is inspired by ideals that promote the practice of organic forms of political leadership, which appreciate that political leadership at whatever level is service, not an opportunity for self-enrichment and self-gratification.

c. The EFF draws inspiration from the broad Marxist-Leninist tradition and Fanonian schools of thought in their analyses of the state, imperialism, culture and class contradictions in every society. Through organic engagement and a constant relationship with the masses, Economic Freedom Fighters provide clear and cogent alternatives to the current neo-colonial economic system, which in many countries keep the oppressed under colonial domination and subject to imperialist exploitation.

d. The EFF is a South African movement with a progressive internationalist outlook, which seeks to engage with global progressive movements. We believe that the best contribution we can make in the international struggle against global imperialism is to rid our country of imperialist domination.

27. We should dismiss with contempt any lousy characterisation which defines the EFF as something else different from how is well articulated in our founding manifesto, as some directionless politicians tried to do. Anybody without influence of intoxicating substances will know that the EFF represents the people of South Africa in particular the working class.

28. Only lazy thinkers who do not rely on scientific analysis of society will characterise the EFF as something else however we will forgive them for they know not what they are doing.

29. Workers in Marikana, the industrial, farm and domestic workers who are members and supporters of the EFF are the core of the South Africa’s working class.

30. Just a thorough look in the recent past elections will show that the EFF is stronger in communities where the working class are found, such as the Mines, the Farms and informal settlements that are closer to affluent towns and cities.

31. Our movement is a movement of the working class and we can safely say that we are the Vanguard of the working class, all those who do not own the means of production.

32. The EFF is not trapped in some nostalgic reflections and philosophising of the conditions of the working class. We, together with poor communities are at the forefront of the struggles of the poor and the dejected masses of our people.

33. Our aim is not to win over organisations that have failed to liberate our people economically, but to defeat those organisations on the ground and carry forward with the socialist transformation of society.

THE MARXIST-LENINIST-FANONIAN CHARACTER OF THE EFF:

34. The EFF is Marxist-Leninist Fanonian in character because primarily we are in pursuit of a class struggle in a neo-colonial political setting.

35. The Marxist-Leninist Fanonian character of the EFF is fundamental to the socialist revolution, which the EFF is in pursuit of.

36. The Marxist-Leninist perspective constitute the correct path towards attainment of the 7 cardinal pillars, which are socialist in character and form.

37. The EFF does not want to impose what Karl Marx called ‘barracks communism’, with forced collectivism, disrespect of the individual and authoritarian state. The socialist project we are in pursuit of does not mean that all people will be wearing same clothes, walking the same way, and doing exactly the same things on the directives of a powerful bureaucracy that disrespects human rights.

38. The EFF does not ascribe to despotism and will not in the socialist transformation of society cling to one party state and cult of personalities, because history has cogently illustrated that such undermines the freedom and rights of the very same people the revolution seek to liberate.

39. The EFF does not ascribe to personality cults, hence we distance ourselves from genuine movements which seek to name places after us as individual leaders and activists for economic freedom. We say so because socialist projects and programmes across the world were largely associated with single individuals and that is not what we are fighting for.

40. Socialism is not some huge bureaucracy that disregards rights and freedoms of individuals.

41. Socialism does not mean a narrow concentration of State or government ownership, but socialized ownership which in the immediate should have components of State ownership and control.

42. It is not a society, where private non-exploitative property (such as Houses, Cars, and Clothes) will be commonly shared.

43. Socialism is about ending the private ownership of the means of production (mines, huge farms, monopoly industries).

44. Socialism does not do away with personal non-exploitative property.

45. Socialism does away with private property owned by individuals and used to make a profit such as factories and banks.

46. People will be able to have and cultivate personal property items like cars, TVs and clothes.

47. Socialism to us primarily means that we should collectively develop the productive forces and make sure that all people have equal access to economic sustainability and have basic needs.

48. The Commanding Heights of the Economy should not be privately owned and the working class led State should be able to provide:

a. Free, Compulsory and Quality Education

b. Free Water and Sanitation

c. Free Quality Housing and Electricity

d. Free Health and Treatment of Diseases

e. Development that benefits everyone, not few people

f. Democracy, Human Rights, Peace and Stability

g. Creation of a State Bank to assist Co-operatives and SMMEs

h. Restitution of Land to the People as a Whole and Provision of Agricultural Support to Small-scale farmers.

49. This is one struggle we will win, but major steps should be pursued towards victory of the socialist programmes.

50. We should all deist from undermining our ideological tools of analysis because such will undermine the cohesion and coherence of the EFF.

51. Without proper ideological tools of analysis, we will go nowhere, and will only be concerned with common and current affairs issues.

UNITY OF PROGRESSIVE WORKING CLASS FORCES IN SOUTH AFRICA:

52.The EFF does not discount the fact that in the class struggle we need absolute unity of all progressive working class forces. We need to unite all the progressive forces and such unity should be on the basis of a political socialist programme,

53. We are not married to positions of leadership, and can give away leadership positions if such will lead to the success of the socialist resolution.

54. We are particularly interested in the unity of organised working class formations under the programme of socialism and we will not compromise such a programme.

55. We are unapologetically at the forefront of working class struggle and should intensify, but we appreciate that there are other working class formations which should be brought into a common consolidate political programme to jointly pursue the struggle for socialism.

56. This requires individual and collective political and ideological maturity amongst all the forces that seek a genuine programme for progressive socialist change.

57. As a fragmented force, we will always find difficulty in fighting against the enemy, hence we need to unite all the left forces.

58. There is no doubt that the struggles waged by political liberation fighters in South Africa and the African continent is worth celebrating, but the reality proven by thorough observation of political realities and developments in the African continent and elsewhere, is that liberation movements are not capable of resolving the massive economic inequalities they inherit from their colonial past. All countries in the African continent that have realised political emancipation have proven that the movements that have taken them from political and social subjugation are not able to take the struggle forward.

59. More often than not, the inability of liberation movements to economically emancipate humanity was ideologically and politically predicted by great revolutionaries and ideologues like Vladimir Lenin, who in 1920 said, “A certain understanding has emerged between the bourgeoisie of the exploiting countries and that of the colonies, so that very often, even perhaps in most cases, the bourgeoisie of the oppressed countries, although they also support national movements, nevertheless fight against all revolutionary movements and revolutionary classes with a certain degree of understanding and agreement with the imperialist bourgeoisie, that is to say together with it”.

60. This Leninist observation is correct was said by Frantz Fanon who in 1960 in the THE PITFALLS OF NATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS said, “the national middle class which takes over power at the end of the colonial regime is an under-developed middle class. It has practically no economic power, and in any case it is in no way commensurate (or equal) with the bourgeoisie (or capitalists) of the mother country which it hopes replace. In its woeful narcissism (or selfishness) the national middle class is easily convinced that it can adventurously replace the middle class of the mother country. But that same independence which literally drives it into a corner will give rise within its ranks to catastrophic reactions, and will oblige it send out frenzied (or hyperactive) appeals for help to the former mother countries”.

61. Frantz Fanon in the same article quoted above says, “The objective of nationalist parties as from a certain given period is, we have seen, strictly national. They mobilize the people with slogans of independence, and for the rest leave it to future events. When such parties are questioned on the economic programme of the state that they are clamouring for, or on the nature of the regime which they propose to install, they are incapable of replying, because, precisely, they are completely ignorant of the economy of their own country”.

62. Our immediate task include exposing the widely held view in South Africa that our policies are good, and only implementation should be perfected. This is not true, because the policies that protect white supremacy through protection of their economic interests cannot be good. Policies that promote neo-liberalism and blind following of the dictates of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund cannot be good policies. Policies that keep an absolute majority of our people under starvation and structural unemployment cannot be good. Policies that deny young entrepreneurs access to enterprise finance without sureties, which most do not have, cannot be good. Policies that keep workers wages in the mining sector, farms, factories, the police, the soldiers, teachers, doctors, nurses, private security, petrol attendants low cannot be good.

63. In 2014, less than 7% of South Africa’s land has been redistributed. The indications were that, by 2014, we will still not have exceeded 7% land redistribution, which will be 20 years since the democratic dispensation. If we continue with this trend and pace of 7% transfer every 20 years, it means we would have redistributed less than 30% of land in 100 years. In other words, in 100 years time, the inequalities between black people and white people will still remain, and this will automatically lead to continued racism and economic subjugation of blacks by white people, like it happened under apartheid.

64. This generation of Economic Freedom Fighters should never agree to such, because in 100 years’ time, all of us here will no longer be alive and our children and grandchildren will say we sold-out because they will still be living under white economic domination, more than 100 years after political independence and freedom. The struggle for land reform and transfer of land is long overdue and should be speeded up to avoid the conflicts that characterise many post-independence African states, nations and countries. We refuse to continue living like we are in a colony.

65. All these aspirations will require a disciplined, dedicated, determined, focused, fearless, and forward-looking cadres who are committed to economic emancipation of South Africa and the African continent. It will not be an easy route to be Activists and cadres of EFF because those with political power will do everything in their power to isolate, bastardise, banish, retrench, persecute, politically prosecute, tarnish and even kill Economic Freedom Fighters. If these people can kill their own members because of Tenders and control of State resources, they have potential to kill the real alternative, which will take away their ill-gotten wealth and access to resources.

66. We are however not scared and our unity, fearlessness, and dedication should inspire the whole generation to fight for what rightfully belongs to all South Africans. We will and have to share in South Africa’s wealth. We need to be organised, and need to be disciplined.

67. Our mission as EFF is to now speak to each and every person in South Africa, every citizen, every voter, including our children, grandparents, parents, relatives, neighbours, fellow churchgoers, workers, street sweepers about Economic Freedom Fighters, a giant movement which should and will emancipate South Africa from institutionalised starvation, structural unemployment, political directionlessness and mediocrity, institutionalised corruption, and hopelessness of the youth.

68. We need to go to every corner of South Africa, village to village, township to township, suburb to suburb, kraal to kraal, city to city, and everywhere where there is human life to speak and preach the message for economic freedom in our lifetime. We need to use all modes of transport to get to where we should preach the message of economic freedom. We will use bicycles, donkey-carts, cars, lorries, trucks, buses, trains, planes, helicopters, ships, boats and all forms of transport spreading the word for economic emancipation in our lifetime.

69. In this mission, we are under no illusion that spies, information peddlers, careerists, attention-seekers, and detractors will not join us. Our obligation as Economic Freedom Fighters is to convert all these into real Fighters for economic freedom in our lifetime. We will not turn away any member who comes to identify with the struggle for economic freedom in our lifetime, and will not force any member to join our movement. We will on a day to day preach the word for economic freedom in our lifetime, because the emancipation of South Africa will lead to the emancipation of the whole African continent.

70. We should also be careful of staff riders who join the organisation for personal gains. The EFF is a vehicle for real socialist transformation, and whoever is a member of the EFF should be a member par excellence, and not try to pursue individual or other organisational interests within the EFF.

a. Staff riders are Fighters whose sole intention is to uplift and uphold only one or two cardinal pillars of the EFF at the expense of the rest.

b. Staff riders are Fighters with uncontrollable ambitions for power who arrive in the organisation today and tomorrow they want to lead the organisation, ignoring the fact that leaders should first be led for them to be perfect leaders.

c. Staff riders are those who refuse to accept that in certain stages, the organisation can redeploy any of its Fighters to a different responsibility even when such redeployment means that your salary and benefits will be reduced.

d. Staff riders are Fighters who cause violence and disruption because they have convinced themselves that a People’s Assembly will not have their desired outcomes.

e. Staff riders are Fighters who pledge loyalty to an individual even when such loyalty compromises the unity of the organisation.

f. Staff riders are Fighters who steal or misuse money of the organisation.

g. Staff riders are Fighters who use the EFF to fight battles and settle scores of organisations they come from.

71. We have commonly agreed on a political programme, properly articulated in the Founding Manifesto, and should avoid manifestation of staff riders who are in the EFF for narrow gains.

72. The EFF is a movement in a class struggle and appreciates its Congress, black conscious, pan Africanist and most importantly the internationalist and socialist character of the EFF in the struggle for economic freedom in a neo-colonial South Africa and Africa. There is no need to fragment the organisation along those lines. We are uniting Chris Hani, Robert Sobukwe, Steve Biko, and Che Guevara in the struggle for economic freedom and we shall overcome,

73. The wind for political liberation blew from the North to the South, and the wind for economic emancipation should blow from the South to the North. This wind should gain momentum in our lifetime and South Africa will be an inspiration to many other African countries to reclaim their wealth and economies from colonial and neo-colonial Masters. We are the generation of Economic Freedom Fighters.

WHO ARE ENEMIES OF THE REVOLUTION?

74. The primary enemy of the class struggle for economic freedom is capitalism and imperialism, and in the South African context, it is white monopoly capital.

75. White monopoly capital has political representatives in the form of the Ruling party and the Democratic Alliance, who although they pretend to be on different sides, are ideological allies pursuing the capitalist programme called the National Development Plan.

76. The EFF is currently the only political formation fighting against white monopoly capital and in this fight we still do not have alliances.

77. Of course there are common agreements on current affairs in Parliament with opposition parties that seek to undermine the ruthless abuse of power by the ruling party, and such do not constitute any form of tactical or strategic alliance with any of the opposition parties.

78. The DA seeks to protect the interests of white monopoly capital and the ruling party seeks to do the same with a hope that they will successfully infuse a black bourgeoisie into the capitalist project.

79. It is not a secret that the Ruling party seeks to create a black bourgeoisie and they have recurrently said so.

80. The Ruling party expressed objective to give a grip to our primary enemy in the socialist struggle for economic freedom in our lifetime.

81. The ruling party has joined the enemy camp and should be treated as such.

THE EFF’S APPROACH TO PARLIAMENT:

82. The EFF is currently in Parliament and represented in all the Provincial Legislatures, and our approach is that of avoiding to be swallowed by these institutions.

83. Since our election into Parliament, we have been the dominant political party because our approach is fearless and robust.

84. Our political opponents admit that we are a force to be reckoned with and will be for the duration of this parliamentary term.

85. In the few months we have spent in Parliament, we have not only held the executive accountable, but have exposed and tabled coherent and cogent proposals on what is to be done. Since our election into Parliament, we have:

a. Highlighted the reality of base erosion, profit shifting and transfer pricing in a manner never done before.

b. Have called for the commission of inquiry on the conditions and remuneration of mineworkers, which the ruling party refused.

c. Have offered the ruling party our 6,35% component in the National Assembly to amend section 25 of the Constitution in order to empower the State to expropriate land without compensation.

d. Have called for massive protection of local industries in areas where there are currently no tariffs and duties.

e. Have called for legislation and tabled detailed proposals on localisation, which was going to result in massive local production of goods and services.

f. Have called for the transformation of the criminal justice system,

g. Have called for the creation of viable and capable Universities and post-secondary institutions which should accommodate all secondary school leavers.

h. Have called for tabled proposals on the protection and promotion of the arts, culture and heritage institutions.

i. Have called for and table proposals on a comprehensive and activist foreign policy position particularly in the Middle East.

j. Have called for and proposed an industrial policy on the communications sector, particularly demanding that all the set top boxes for digital migration should be manufactured in South Africa.

k. Have called for and proposed that free quality education should be ushered in alongside expansion of the post-secondary training and education space.

l. Have called for an adequate minimum wage across all spheres of employment in the manner contained for in the EFF elections manifesto.

m. Have called for and tabled proposals on the provision of free sanitary towels for all girls from poor backgrounds.

86. These are just some of the areas we have tabled in Parliament, yet some yellow Communists under the permanent influence of alcohol go around saying that the EFF has never tabled any alternative to Parliament.

87. In actual fact, there is no political party in South Africa which have ever proposed alternate policy positions in the same manner the EFF did.

88. All political parties compete on the basis on who is better suited to implement the reactionary and capitalist NDP.

WHY DO WE FIGHT SO HARD?

89. We will fight for hegemony and political majority because all the existing political parties carry a reactionary agenda.

90. We fight so hard because South Africa is in a crisis. We are in a crisis of leadership that is failing to take simple and logical decisions because the status quo compromises their personal benefits.

91. We are in a crisis because more than 44% of the South African population, that is more than 20 million people, live below the poverty line with no assurance of where the next meal will come from.

92.We are in a crisis because 8 million South Africans need jobs and cannot find them.

93. We are in a crisis because local government cannot deliver the most basic of services.

94. We are in a crisis because the current government cannot deliver electricity to our people.

95. We are in in a crisis because the state of education is in a crisis, and those in government do not even know where those who pass Matric will go after matric.

96. We are in a crisis because more than R60 billion of State resources are not accounted for.

97. We are in a crisis because the sitting President in a corrupt person who does not seek to account to anyone.

98. We are in a crisis because the ruling party politicians are hell bent on sustaining the status quo because they are benefiting from corruption in their provinces and ministries.

99. We are in a crisis because Parliament is run in a partisan fashion, protecting corrupt individuals and politicians.

100. We are in a crisis because 15% of South Africans live in informal settlements.

101. We are in a crisis because we have no clear foreign policy that should guide the development of the entire African continent,

102. We are in a crisis because illegal goods and services are imported into South Africa with no regulation.`

103. We are in a crisis because good and services which we can locally produce are brought from other parts of the world with no tariffs to foster local production,

104. We are in a crisis because resources that should be spent on sports development is being used to awards ceremonies of the elite.

105. We are in a crisis because Judges have now been co-opted into a corrupt system of protecting corrupt politicians.

106. We are in a crisis because farmworkers continue to be harassed by white farmers in the same way it happened under apartheid.

107. We are in a crisis because Mineworkers are treated like slaves and paid slave wages and killed when they protest.

108. We are in a crisis because the status of black people is that of submission even at professionals’ level.

109. We are in a crisis because white dominated boards continue to undermine potential chartered accountants, engineers, and lawyers.

110. We are in a crisis because public entities are subjected to mediocre managers who are appointed on the basis of their proximity to the sitting president,

111. In all these crises, we have to fight with determination to defeat them.`

BALANCE OF FORCES:

112. Domestically, we are waging the struggle for economic freedom under conditions that are in favour of forces of radical change.

113. Everyone acknowledges this reality, and that is why they all claim to be radical when they do not know what radical means.

114. The ruling party will self-destroy and self-inflict itself to the point of obscurity and we should be on the ground to witness its self-destruction.

115. At the centre of the ruling party’s self-destruction is its inability to maintain principles and sacrifice everything on the altar of political convenience.

116. At the centre of the ruling party’s self-destruction is its commitment to subvert internal democracy in favour of political convenience.

117. At the centre of the ruling party’s self-destruction is tribalism and regionalism which will see the continued dominance of one tribal and regional group in government and all public institutions.

118. At the centre of the ruling party’s self-destruction is its undermining of democratic institutions to protect one individual.

119. At the centre of the ruling party’s self-destruction is its weak and directionless foreign policy.

120. Even if the EFF was not existing, the ruling party was going to self-destruct and the only unfortunate reality is that they would have handed over power to the right wing.

121. Now that we are here, we are the worthy successors of the ruling party and we will take political power from them with the necessary vigour and energy required of economic freedom fighters.

122. The right wing political parties such as the DA have reached a ceiling and will never attract more black and particularly African voters like in the 2014 general elections.

123. The DA has reached a ceiling and will never grow any further.

124. The only political movement which has only the sky to limit its potential is the EFF and will take over political power.

125. We will do so because majority of the people are beginning to appreciate that our primary enemy, white monopoly capital and their political representatives, the DA and the ANC, no longer have ideas to take the country forward.

INTERNATIONAL BALANCE OF FORCES:

126. Comrades, Fighters and Commissars, we are living the in the world which is tolerant for progressive change ad progressive movements.

127. We make these observations and analysis because those who sold out the progressive agenda in the early 1990s did so on the basis that the global balance of forces were not in favour of progressive change.

128. Indeed, in the early 1990s, the dominance of neo-liberalism in the world and collapse of the Soviet Union gave rise to neo-liberal hegemony all over the world.

129. Many governments across the world were made to believe that there is no alternative to neo-liberal dominance and hegemony.

130. This is part of the reasons why the ruling party led liberation movement neglected the freedom charter and adopted the reactionary GEAR.

131. Now, the 2008 Financial crisis has brought to an absolute end the myth that neo-liberalism is invincible.

132. The rise and continued dominance of China means that we are now living in a bipolar world.

133. We should constantly ask if China’s rise and role in the development of the African economy constitutes some form of re-colonisation.

134. What is relieving about China though is that the State is in control of strategic sectors of the economy.

135. Instead of engaging with the Chinese on a country by country basis, the African continent should consolidate a common pan African economic engagement with China, which should necessarily result in the development and expansion of intra-African trade.

136. As separate and stand-alone entities, African countries hold no capacity to fairly trade with China, so a common approach is long overdue.

137. Comrades, we should know that South Africa’s foreign policy, particularly in consolidating pan African agenda is not very convincing.

138. Since Jacob Zuma surrendered the life of Brother Leader Gaddaffi to imperialist murderers, Africa is lacking of a pan African voice which should unite all progressive forces.

139. Gaddaffi’s death has surrendered our continent to even intense exploitation by imperialist forces.

140. We speak here today, with more than 80% of funding for the African Union and the Pan African Parliament coming from the European Union.

141. Gaddaffi was the only one who was willing to fund the African Union and was the only one who took practical steps to unite the African continent.

142. In honour of Colonel Brother Leader Gaddaffi, the EFF should fight doe the political and most importantly economic unity of the African continent.

143. Comrades, Commissars and Fighters, we need to develop a thorough understanding of the religious fundamentalism that has engulfed the African continent represented by the terrorist activities in Kenya and Nigeria.

144. What is the class analysis of this realities and kind of terrorism?

145. Overall, the EFF’s struggle for economic freedom should inspire all Economic Freedom Fighters across the continent and diaspora.

146. The incoming CCT should visit most countries in the African continent and in all regions to explain our perspective and vision for the AFRICAN continent.

147. We should do s because it will never be wise to wage a struggle for the economic emancipation of the African continent without the supports of Africans.

148. The internationalist character of the EFF means that we are an international organisation and movement, which should mobilise all the progressive forces in the African continent.

IMMEDIATE FOCUS OF THE EFF:

149. Comrades, all these aims and objectives we are talking about here will not find expression and meaning unless we organised into a disciplined and united force for economic transformation.

150. This National People’s Assembly is not the end of the our tasks as Activists in building the organisation, it is actually the beginning.

151. The immediate task for all regions and provinces is to launch branches of the EFF in all Wards of South Africa before the end of June 2015.

152. When we say all Wards, we mean all Wards of the country and all these branches should have a minimum of 100 members and an elected Branch Command Team.

153. The progress of all RCTs and PCTs will be measured by launching 100% of the branches in their communities and municipalities.

154. This National People’s Assembly should give a mandate to the CCT to disband RCTs and PCTs that fail to launch branches in all wards of their regions and provinces.

155. The second immediate task is that all regions should submit the entirety of their membership files.

156. We are asking for all our members because we know that branches only submitted 100 members for the purposes of audit.

157. The incoming CCT should co-ordinate a process which will result in all members of the EFF being recognised and receiving their membership cards on time.

158. When branches are launched, the political education Units of the CCT, PCTs and RCTs should induct the BCTs.

159. Political induction is important because like Thomas Sankara said, “a soldier without political and ideological training is a potential criminal”.

160. Branches of the EFF should not just be committees of few individuals who are always wearing berets and ignoring the struggles of the people.

161. Branches of the EFF must always be at the forefront of the struggles in their communities.

162. Branches of the EFF the details of their surroundings and always take up struggles.

YOUTH COMMAND:

163. Comrades, Fighters and Commissars, this National People’s Assembly should consider and resolve on the establishment of the EFF Youth Command.

164. The EFF Youth Command will move to occupy the vacuum that exists in youth politics.

165. There is currently no youth political organisation in South Africa where young people can creatively and autonomously think and implement programmes that will ignite young people’s interests in politics and the revolution.

166. The EFF Youth Command should be a vibrant and fearless organ of the EFF, and should be granted the necessary autonomy to act with the necessary youthful exuberance, and feed the EFF with the next layer of leadership.

167. The EFF Youth Command should take up community struggles and fight for youth development and be the torchbearers in the struggle for economic freedom.

168. In history of political developments, it has been proven that revolutions are activities of the youth.

169. We therefore need to organise the youth into a Youth Command with their own Constitution, programme of action and Youth Assemblies to elect leadership at various intervals.

WOMEN’S COMMAND:

170. Comrades, Fighters and Commissars, the NPA should also consider and resolve on the formation of the EFF Women’s Command.

171. History has also proven that the most reliable and most fearless detachment in any revolution is women.

172. Women are not too quick to fight for positions, they always prioritise the programmes of the organisation.

173. Women are never ashamed of the organisations they belong to and will always defend the organisation wherever they are.

174. Women constitute the most reliable core in the struggle for economic freedom.

175. We therefore need to organise women of the EFF into a Women’s Command with the necessary autonomy to pursue political programmes, and not just attend Court actions of celebrity offenders.

176. Within the broader collective, the EFF should be at the forefront of struggles that seek to liberate rural women, and their battles with access to land.

177. The EFF Women’s Command should be at the forefront of the struggle for the provision of free sanitary towels to all women who cannot afford.

178. The EFF’s Women’s Command should lead society in the ideological and political analysis of cultural practices that undermine the rights of women.

179. The EFF’s Women’s Command should fill the vacuum that exists because truth be told, there is no Women’s organisation in South Africa.

LOCAL GOVERNMENT ELECTIONS:

180. Comrades, 2016 is the year of the Local Government Elections, and the Local Government Elections are a platform upon which the EFF will do very well.

181. We might not know everything about what will happen in 2016 Local Government elections, but one thing we know for sure is that there is no political party in South Africa that will out rightly win any of the Metropolitan Municipalities.

182. The ruling party in particular should start packing their goods in Tshwane, Johannesburg, Ekurhuleni and Nelson Mandela Metropolitan Municipalities.

183. We went to the general elections with interim structures of the EFF and very few Volunteers to conduct door to door.

184. Our programme for Local government elections should start immediately and branches should know the number of voters in each and every Voting District.

185. All branches of the EFF should have Voters Rolls of their Wards and begin to speak to each and every voter and persuade them about the EFF.

186. Comrades, Fighters and Commissars, local government elections are elections that will require maximum discipline from all members and activists of the EFF.

187. The incoming CCT should put in place Guidelines for the selection of Councillors and once decisions have been taken democratically and within the context of democratic centralism, all members should support the decision and rally all forces behind the organisation.

188. The democratic centralist character of the EFF is an important principle which will keep this organisation together.

189. If we undermine the democratic centralism principle and begin to question and undermine decisions of the majority and decisions of upper structures, we will never have an organisation.

190. Some of the behavioural issues we noticed during the Regional and Provincial People’s Assemblies is anti-EFF and anti-revolutionary democracy.

191. The behavioural issues that disrupt meetings of the EFF and use violence to intimidate members and leaders should be nipped in the bud.

CONCLUSION:

192. Comrades, Fighters and Commissars, the EFF is the only organisation that will liberate the people of South Africa.

193. There is no other vehicles that have the energy, determination, will and focus to change South Africa towards economic freedom.

194. Those who are doubtful should just look into the recent past history and will appreciate that we do not only possess great potential, but massive strength to take the struggle forward.

195. We are the ones South Africa has been waiting for.

196. We have to keep this organisation together and in the process, doomsayers will always predict doom and they will never see doom.

197. We have been to the Mountain top and have seen the future, and the future looks very bright.

198. South Africa will get to the land of economic freedom and at the forefront of the economic freedom will be the EFF.

199. We should never be tied, because our principle is No Surrender! No retreat!

200. We shall overcome!

 Report by Julius Malema

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